Posts Tagged ‘austerity’

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Eduardo Porter makes the case against austerity now (when unemployment is high)—but he wants to see austerity in the future (when, presumably, full employment is achieved). In other words, Porter believes we should be Keynesians now and switch to being neoclassicals somewhere down the line.

But there’s a fundamental asymmetry in Porter’s view of austerity: in the Keynesian moments, stimulus comes from a combination of tax cuts and spending increases. But later, in the neoclassical moments, he focuses only on spending cuts.

Fortunately, there is a way to square the circle, if only our political masters could overcome their partisan animus to embrace it. The answer is to combine some stimulus in the present — via tax cuts or more public spending — with transparent, legally binding initiatives to limit spending in the future.

For instance, the administration could propose raising the retirement age a decade down the road. It could also save a lot of money by rejiggering Medicare’s cost-sharing formulas. The higher-income elderly could be made to shoulder a larger share of their health care costs in the future.

Swapping future cuts in Social Security and Medicare for more spending today will not be an easy deal. Liberal Democrats will balk at trimming the social safety net. House Republicans appear immune to any fiscal compromise.

The Obama administration has tried some of this at the margin. It proposed changing the price index used to adjust Social Security benefits, slowing their rise. It has had no success.

But a deal along these lines offers a plausible political path toward an economic policy that is not quite as self-destructive as the one we’ve got. The goal: Keynesian today, when the economy needs it, but not tomorrow.

Well, what happened to tax increases?

Because the Porters of the world take tax increases on wealthy individuals and large corporations off the table, austerity is guaranteed—either now or in the future.

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Thousands of people are protesting in Rome today against austerity policies and high unemployment.

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Not so well, eh?

Not when, as Eurostat [pdf] announced earlier today, Gross Domestic Product fell by 0.2 percent in the euro area (EA17) and by 0.1 percent in the larger EU27 during the first quarter of 2013. Even the United States, four years into the “recovery,” grew by a paltry 0.6 percent compared with the previous quarter (and, when compared with the same quarter of the previous year, GDP rose by only 1.8 percent).

Not when, as Paul Krugman explains, the two major studies invoked by economists and politicians to justify austerity measures have been thoroughly discredited.

So, the question remains, why do many members of the elite in both the United States and in Western Europe continue to impose the Draconian measures that, together, represent economic austerity?

While the “psychology answer”—that deficits represent some kind of moral question—might work in terms of selling austerity (it certainly works on my students), it doesn’t explain why those at the top continue to believe in the need for austerity.* What we need, instead, is a class analysis of the different ways capitalism is configured and reconfigured according to both neoclassical austerity and Keynesian stimulus policies.

To his credit, Krugman does take some initial steps in that direction for the specific case of austerity:

As many observers have noted, the turn away from fiscal and monetary stimulus can be interpreted, if you like, as giving creditors priority over workers. Inflation and low interest rates are bad for creditors even if they promote job creation; slashing government deficits in the face of mass unemployment may deepen a depression, but it increases the certainty of bondholders that they’ll be repaid in full. I don’t think someone like Trichet was consciously, cynically serving class interests at the expense of overall welfare; but it certainly didn’t hurt that his sense of economic morality dovetailed so perfectly with the priorities of creditors.

But that’s just the beginning. We need to do much more in terms of analyzing the class effects of the policies on both sides of the mainstream debate.

And, of course, of what a class alternative looks like—since we know that that austerity stuff is certainly not working out for most of us.

 

*I also don’t buy the idea that the opposite of austerity, Keynesian stimulus, is any less a morality play. The idea that “your spending is my income,” and thus we’re all in this together, is no more technical an idea than cutting deficits as a path to economic growth. Both ideas represent a combination of technique and morality, of how “technical malfunctions” emerge and can be solved and what society can and should look like.

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More times than I can count, I have attempted to explain to students, colleagues, and friends that we’re not on the “road to Greece.”

That’s what they believe: that, because of fiscal deficits and growing public debt, the United States is quickly moving in the direction of Greece. And that disaster awaits.

Well, no, as I’ve explained on this blog many times before. The problem is not growing debt but, instead, the imposition of austerity policies. Austerity is a term we often use to describe the situation in Europe but rarely in the United States. And it’s not clear why. Perhaps because of the Obama administration’s half-hearted stimulus measures. Or because of the oft-cited but barely perceptible recovery.

In any case, there’s a quick and easy way to calculate the effects of austerity in the United States: figure out the average number of government jobs that were created after every recession in the United States going back to 1970 and then add to that the number of government jobs that have been destroyed during the current recovery.

That’s exactly what Michael Greenstone and Adam Looney do. The number they come up with is 2.2 million.

In the forty-six months following the end of the five other recent recessions, government employment increased by an average of 1.7 million. During the current recovery, however, government employment has decreased by more than 500,000. Put together, the policy differences have led to 2.2 million fewer jobs today. Such a large contraction of the public-sector during a recovery is unprecedented in recent American economic history.

Cutting jobs during a period of already high unemployment is austerity—American style.

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Austerity has killed thousands of people. And it is killing the hopes of millions more—in Greece, Britain, the United States, and elsewhere.

Detailing a decade of research, Oxford University political economist David Stuckler and Sanjay Basu, an assistant professor of medicine and an epidemiologist at Stanford University, said their findings show austerity is seriously bad for health.

In a book to be published this week, the researchers say more than 10,000 suicides and up to a million cases of depression have been diagnosed during what they call the “Great Recession” and its accompanying austerity across Europe and North America.

The United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is now reporting that, in 2009, the number of deaths from suicide surpassed the number of deaths from motor vehicle crashes.

Suicide rates among both men and women aged 35–64 years increased substantially from 1999 and 2010. This finding is consistent with a previous study that showed a notable increase in the overall suicide rate among middle-aged adults relative to a small increase in suicide rates among younger persons and a small decline in older persons during a similar period. The increases were geographically widespread and occurred in states with high, as well as average and low suicide rates.

The CDC notes that possible contributing factors for the rise in suicide rates among middle-aged adults “include the recent economic downturn.”

Try as they might to give the impression of being Very Serious People, those who continue to support the imposition of austerity measures in Europe and North America have blood on their hands.

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GunLawStall Steve Bell on thatcher's funeral