If you’ve been following the Republican National Convention, however casually (and with whatever guilty pleasure or revulsion), you’ll know that tonight will highlight presidential candidate Donald Trump. It will also feature libertarian futurist Peter Thiel, co-founder of PayPal, first outside investor in Facebook, manager of the hedge fund Clarium Capital Management, and member of the elite venture-capital firm Founders Fund.
Recent stories about Thiel have highlighted his controversial goal to save capitalism from democracy or at least to weaken America’s attachment to democratic government, the extent to which his support for Trump runs counter to the rest of Silicon Valley, and his love of “creative destruction“—all of which are presaged in Thiel’s 2009 essay in Cato Unbound.
I remain committed to the faith of my teenage years: to authentic human freedom as a precondition for the highest good. I stand against confiscatory taxes, totalitarian collectives, and the ideology of the inevitability of the death of every individual. For all these reasons, I still call myself “libertarian.”
But I must confess that over the last two decades, I have changed radically on the question of how to achieve these goals. Most importantly, I no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible. By tracing out the development of my thinking, I hope to frame some of the challenges faced by all classical liberals today.
But it’s George Packer‘s 2011 profile for the New Yorker that remains the most thorough exploration of his life and views—of Thiel as a contrarian (one who always tried “to go against the crowd, to identify opportunities in places where people are not looking”) and as a trenchant critic of the establishment:
Unlike many Silicon Valley boosters, Thiel knows that, as he puts it, thirty miles to the east most people are not doing well, and that this problem is more important than the next social-media company. He also knows that the establishment has been coasting for a long time and is out of answers. “The failure of the establishment points, maybe, to Marxism,” he said. “Maybe it points to libertarianism. It sort of suggests that we’ll get something outside the establishment, but it’s going to be this increasingly volatile trajectory of figuring out what that’s going to be.”
That’s one thing Thiel is probably right about: the failure of the establishment, of existing economic and political elites, may point to Marxism—but, in any case, has put us on an “increasingly volatile trajectory of figuring out” what that something “outside the establishment” is going to be.