Posts Tagged ‘price’

General views of Seattle-based grafitti artists Jonathan Matas and Zach Rockstad's mural called "Up and Down" depicting Karl Marx and Adam Smith located on Mott Street just north of Houston Street in

Mainstream economists refer to it as price theory, everyone else value theory. But whatever it’s called, it’s at the center of economists’ differing explanations of what happens in (and alongside) markets.

As I see it, price/value theory serves as the framework to explain a wide range of phenomena, from how and for how much commodities are exchanged in markets through the determinants of the distribution of incomes to the outcomes—for the economy and society as a whole—of the allocation of resources and commodities through markets.

And each price/value theory has a utopian dimension. It’s not just an accounting for and an explanation of the conditions and consequences of commodity exchange; it’s also a way of thinking about the fairness and justice of markets. It therefore informs (and is informed by) a utopian horizon within and beyond markets.

Let me explain. Mainstream economists today generally rely on a price theory that has been produced, disseminated, and revised by neoclassical economists in a tradition that dates from the late-nineteenth century. Students know it as what they learn in the typical microeconomics course, the rest of us by the celebration of free markets in mainstream theory and policy.*

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The starting point of neoclassical value theory is that commodities exchange on markets at a price (p*) that is determined by supply and demand.** But that’s only the beginning. According to neoclassical economists, supply and demand are ultimately determined by human nature—a combination of tastes and preferences (utility), know-how (technology), and resources (factor endowments)—which are taken as given or exogenous.

And that leads to one of the major conclusions of neoclassical theory: the prices of goods and services, as well as the distribution of income, are ultimately determined by—and therefore reflect—human nature. That’s important because, if for whatever reason you don’t like the existing set of prices of commodities or the distribution of income, you face the formidable task of changing human nature.

Other significant conclusions also follow from neoclassical price theory, including:

  • Everyone gets what they pay for (since price is equal to the ratio of marginal utilities).
  • Everyone is equal (since, via the invisible hand, everyone’s marginal rate of substitution is equal to that of everyone else).
  • Everyone benefits from markets (since utility-maximation and profit-maximization lead to Pareto efficiency, i.e., a situation in which no one can be made better off without making someone worse off).

That’s an extraordinary set of conclusions—about commodities, markets, and capitalism—which is why, as I explain to my students, so much theoretical work has to be done to go from the initial assumptions to the final results.

That set of conclusions is the basis of the utopianism of neoclassical price theory.  According to neoclassical economists, the capitalist distribution of income is fundamentally fair. If every factor of production (e.g., capital and labor) is remunerated according to its marginal contribution to production, and each individual sells to firms the amount of each factor they desire (because of utility-maximization), the resulting distribution represents “just deserts.” It’s fair on an individual level and it represents justice for society as a whole. Let free markets operate, without any external intervention (e.g., by the state), and the result will be both fair and just.

It’s that powerful conclusion that serves as the starting point for value theory, the critique of the core of mainstream economics—with, of course, very different results.

Take the case of Marxian value theory. Marxian economists accept the notions of fairness and justice, a standard upheld by mainstream economists, and then shows that commodities and markets can’t but fail to achieve those goals. They do this, first, by showing that every commodity has two numbers attached to it—exchange-value and value—not just the one—price—and showing how those two numbers are equal only under a very particular set of assumptions. Then, second, they demonstrate that, even if the two numbers are equal (such that the form of value in exchange equals the value of commodities in production), the production of commodities is based on a “social theft,” that is, the exploitation of workers.

Here’s the idea: assume that all commodities exchange at their values (that is, the kind of world—of free markets, private property, perfect information, and so on—presumed by mainstream economists). Labor power, too, is allowed to be bought and sold at its value. But after the value of labor power is realized in exchange and is set to work, more value is extracted than it costs employers to purchase it. In other words, an extra value—a surplus-value—is created by laborers (during the course of production) and appropriated by capitalists (and then realized, when the finished commodities are sold, in exchange).

My view is that the critique of capitalist class exploitation forms the utopian horizon of Marxian value theory. Since exploitation violates the social norms of fairness and justice (of “just deserts,” i.e., that everyone within capitalism gets what they deserve), it points in a quite different direction: the possibility of creating the economic and social conditions whereby exploitation is eliminated.

The differences between neoclassical price theory and Marxian value theory couldn’t be more stark. The differences are even more dramatic when we compare their utopian horizons. Whereas neoclassical price theory leads to a utopian celebration of capitalist markets, Marxian value theory both informs and is informed by a utopian critique of capitalist exploitation—and therefore a movement beyond capitalism.

In both cases—neoclassical price and Marxian value theory—the story about commodity exchange, and therefore the analysis of the form that wealth takes under capitalism, has a utopian dimension. The two theories have that in common. Where they differ is the form that utopian dimension takes. Neoclassical price theory is guided by a utopianism according to which free markets and private property represent the best possible way of organizing an economy—and therefore should be created and defended by any means necessary. Marxian value theory, as I interpret it, serves as a critique of all such utopianisms. It marks their failure, on their own terms, and points in a different direction—toward the possibility (but certainly not the necessity) of eliminating the exploitation that serves as the basis of capitalist wealth, and therefore of creating a different standard of fairness and justice.

As is well known, for generations of Marxian economists that utopian horizon has been summarized as “from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs.”

 

*To be clear, modern neoclassical price theory extends some important aspects of the theory originally elaborated by Adam Smith—such as the focus on individuals and the general praise for free markets—but it also represents a fundamental break from Smith’s theory—especially from the classical labor theory of value Smith and other classical economists (such as David Ricardo) utilized.

**It’s actually a pretty complicated set of steps, which most students are never taught. The key is that p*, the equilibrium price, is determined not just by supply and demand, but by the imposition of a third condition—a market-clearing equation—such that the quantity supplied is arbitrarily assumed to be equal to the quantity demanded.

 

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I’m always pleased when Marx’s critique of political economy and the theory of value are topics of discussion, especially since students are rarely exposed to those ideas in their usual mainstream economics courses. Their professors generally don’t know about any theory of value other than the neoclassical economics they learned and preach—and, as a consequence, students aren’t taught that there is a fundamental critique of the neoclassical theory of value that stems from Marx’s work.

The result is, in fact, quite embarrassing. When I ask students to compare Marx’s theory of profits with the neoclassical theory of profits, they have no idea what I’m talking about. The way they learn economics from my neoclassical colleagues, profits are competed away. “So,” I ask them, “what you have is a theory of capitalism according to which there are no profits”? Then, of course, I have to start all over, teach them the neoclassical theory of profits (as the normal return to capital, rK, where r is the profit rate and K the amount of capital) and only then explain to them the Marxian critique of neoclassical profits (based on s, the amount of surplus-value that arises through exploitation). I am forced to make up for mainstream economists’ poor understanding and explanation of their own theory.

So, good, we now have a new discussion of Marx’s approach—first in the form of Branko Milanovic’s “primer” and then in Fred Moseley’s response to Milanovic. Both are well worth reading in their entirety—and I agree with many of the ideas they put forward.

But I do have a few major disagreements with their treatments. Milanovic, for example, insists that Marx develops his theory through three kinds of production: non-capitalism, “petty commodity production,” and capitalism. I read Marx differently. My view is that Marx starts with the commodity and then proceeds to develop, step by step (across volumes 1, 2, and 3 of Capital), the conditions of existence of capitalist commodity production, which is the goal of the analysis. These are not different historical stages or kinds of production but, rather, different levels of abstraction. So, conceptually, Marx starts from one proposition (that the value and exchange-value of commodities are equal to the amount of socially necessary abstract labor-time embodied in their production), then proceeds to another (where the value and exchange-value of commodities are equal to the value of capital, both variable and constant, and surplus-value embodied in the commodity during the course of production), and finally to a third level (where value and exchange-value can’t be equal, since the price of production, p, now includes an average rate of return on capital).

My other two concerns pertain to both authors. Milanovic and Moseley assert that Marx’s focus was mainly at the macro level, “the determination of the total profit (or surplus-value) produced in the capitalist economy as a whole.” I didn’t understand that idea back in 2013 and I remain unconvinced today. As I see it, Marx focused on both the micro and macro level and in fact worked to make his theory consistent at the two levels. Starting with the value of individual commodities (as I explained above), Marx concluded that, at the aggregate level, two identities needed to hold: the total value of commodities equaled the sum of their prices, and total surplus-value equalled total profits. That’s both a micro theory and a macro theory, a theory of value, price, and profit at both levels.*

The second, and perhaps most important, idea missing from Milanovic’s and Moseley’s interpretations of Marx’s approach is critique. Both authors proceed as if Marx developed his own theory of labor value, instead of seeing it as a critique of the classicals’ theory of value (which, we must remember, is the sub-title of Capital, “A Critique of Political Economy”). In my view, Marx begins where the classicals leave off (with an “immense accumulation of commodities,” Adam Smith’s wealth of nations) and then shows how the production of wealth in a capitalist society involves the performance, appropriation, and distribution of surplus labor.

That’s Marx’s class critique of political economy, which pertains as much to the mainstream economics of our time as to his.

 

*I don’t have the space here to explain how, for any individual commodity, the amount of value embodied during the course of its production won’t generally be equal to the amount of value for which the commodity exchanges. It is conceptually important that individual commodities have both numbers—value and exchange-value—attached to them, especially when they are not quantitatively equal at the micro level. It speaks to the fact that surplus-value is both appropriated (by capitalists from workers, through exploitation) and redistributed (among capitalists, within and across industries).

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Back in 2012, I wrote about the residents of Rio de Janeiro’s favelas (shanty towns) who were being evicted by the Brazilian government on behalf of the organizers of the 2014 World Cup and the Olympic Games now taking place there.

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In the place of one such favela, Vila Autodromo, which was once home to more than 500 families, all that remains are “Olympic parking lot tarmac, raw dirt and 20 tiny white utilitarian cottages, built grudgingly by the city as a concession to a core of families who refused to leave even as their homes were demolished.”

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But the former residents haven’t forgotten either their old working-class neighborhood or the force that was used to evict them. So, they and their supporters have erected an open-air museum, the Museu das Remoções (Museum of the Evicted). It consists of seven installations built from materials left behind after the demolitions.

Each installation pays homage to a house or building that was demolished, as well as the struggle faced by the residents of the community.

The plan is for the museum to stay open through to the end of the games.

Meanwhile, the slogan “Nem todos tem um preço” (Not everyone has a price) remains visible on some of the free-standing walls of demolished buildings.

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Special mention

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In a society in which the products of human labor take the form of commodities, there’s a tendency to think a commodity’s exchange-value is equal to its value to society.

That’s what neoclassical economists do. So, apparently, does Marco Rubio.

Tuesday night, in the fourth Republican debate, Sen. Marco Rubio decided to make a point about the state of wages, education, and employment in America by comparing welders with philosophers. “For the life of me, I don’t know why we have stigmatized vocational education,” Rubio said. “Welders make more money than philosophers. We need more welders and less philosophers.”

Now, it is true, the labor embodied during the course of producing a commodity is not socially validated unless and until it is exchanged in a market. The same holds for the ability to work (although, to be sure, labor power isn’t actually produced like other commodities). In both cases, within capitalism, private labor is transformed into social labor via the market.

However, as philosopher (and friend) Avery Kolers explains, that doesn’t mean the “social worth of a profession tracks the market price it commands in the current economy.”

It is false for at least two reasons. First, it is false because current market prices are distorted by a wide range of diseconomies that have funneled virtually all gains from the recovery into the pockets of the wealthiest Americans. The US economy shovels massive externalitiescosts and risks that fall on those who don’t incur them – onto working people, future generations, and the natural environment, while the wealthy few hoard the benefits. One particularly important case is carbon pollution. Because market prices do not reflect these externalities, all prices in the economy are distorted, including the price of labor and the prices of the machines that replace human labor. So there is no reason to think that the price my labor commands in the current economy is the price my labor would command in an actual market — an economy where costs were internalized, that is, paid by those who produce them. The day I hear Republicans talk about making polluters pay is the day I’ll begin to believe that they care about genuinely free markets.

But even if we made it so that rich people could not offload costs onto poor people, it would still not be the case that the social worth of a profession would be determined by the price its members could command on a market. Market prices reflect supply and demand. If there is a glut of X and a shortage of Y, the price of X goes down and that of Y goes up. It has nothing to do with the social worth of either thing. Worth is a completely different issue; English teachers, social workers, poets, and of course, Republican presidential candidates, are currently in higher supply than demand; this diminishes their wages and employment opportunities in these fields, but it says nothing at all about their social role or value.

To be clear, even if a commodity’s value were equal to its exchange-value (i.e., in the absence of externalities), that doesn’t mean we, as a society, need to make our decisions based on exchange-values alone.

It is only the hubris of neoclassical economists and politicians like Marco Rubio that presumes a commodity’s market price is the sole criterion of its worth to society.

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Special mention

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Richard Maxwell and Toby Miller recently made the case for solidarity-based consumerism in response to Apple’s business model:

Faced with a global political economy that condones such a business model, proponents of solidarity between electronics workers and digital consumers(link is external) have big ambitions. They aim to eliminate the estrangement between worker and consumer, awaken consciousness of the political and economic ties that bind them, and install resolute ethical commitments to building a new kind of bond based in mutuality, justice, and equality that stretches across the global supply chain of electronic goods.

As consumers, we should support a solidarity-based consumerism. The alternative is the status quo where profits are beat out of the lives of electronics workers while consumers pay a premium to keep the mark-ups feeding those profits. To the egoistic consumer, we say it’s time to stop blaming higher wages for higher prices. Instead, ask Apple, the most valuable company in the world, to lower its prices and pay good wages directly to factory workers who make their i-Things. Trust us, they won’t go broke.

They base their argument on an analysis of the financial relationships between Electronic Manufacturing Services (providers such as Flextronics, Foxconn, and Jabil) and the Brand Names (like Apple) of consumer electronics by industry veteran Anthony Harris (pdf).

Harris’s example clearly shows how the wages of workers who actually produce smart phones and other electronic gadgets are a small (he estimates them to be 2 percent) of the final price of those commodities.

All along the product supply chain – from the component supplier to the assembly factory to the retail outlet – prices are factored up by percentage of goods value. The factory price is marked-up on basis of invoice value without differentiating between cost of labour, manufacturing complexity, materials, IP, or other value. The EMS selling price gets a margin added every time it is moving down the chain. For example, a smartphone with a factory price of 100 Euro of which 2 Euro = labour costs. Next in line exports to USA/Europe and adds 30% (logistics, management, margin) = 130 Euro. Distributor in USA adds another 30% for logistics, risk and labour = 169 Euro. The store adds its percentage and then there is the internet provider contract and Vat, all pushing upwards to 500 Euro. With this standard business model mark-up on the EMS selling price the actual labour cost becomes almost insignificant as an element of the retail store price.

He also explains the high cost to workers of “flexibility” at the bottom of the chain:

To illustrate what happens: When Apple launched the initial manufacturing of the iPhone, a screen change was suddenly required. 8,000 workers were woken from their dormitories in the middle of the night in China. Within 30 minutes, after being given tea and biscuits, they began an unscheduled 12-hour shift to kick-start the change for the new screens. Foxconn relentlessly ramped up production to 10,000 pieces (a day) after only four days. One Apple executive, as quoted in The New York Times, said “That speed and flexibility is breath taking. There’s no American plant that can match that.”

Breath taking speed and flexibility, however, come at a human price, which clearly American workers at that time were not prepared to endure. Yet with a cup of tea and a biscuit, impoverished Chinese workers were all too ready to earn some extra money to help cover basic costs and feed their families.

I am interested in Harris’s analysis because, in class the other day, the students wanted to know if the iPhone represented an example of a utility theory of value or a labor theory of value. (We were discussing the different assumptions and consequences of those two theories of value.) And, when I answered that both theories could be used to make sense of the price of an iPhone but the two theories were incompatible, they wanted to know if it was possible to combine them (rather than choose between them).

Let me pose a bit of a different question: which of the two theories is more compatible with the kind of solidarity-based consumerism Maxwell and Miller are advocating?

According to the utility (or neoclassical) theory of value, the final price of an iPhone represents a balance between supply and demand and, as such, reflects the preferences, technology, and resource endowments of the societies at each stage of the supply chain. In particular, the workers in the Electronic Manufacturing Services, who receive low wages and agree to flexible rules, are being paid according to their productivity and desire to work. No more, no less. Therefore, consumers can remain content to purchase their iPhones at the going price and, if by chance they become aware of what’s going at the bottom, let “the market” work things out. No need to worry.

According to a labor theory of value (in particular, a Marxian labor theory of value), the final price of an iPhone represents something else: it’s a combination of the materials and equipment purchased to produce and transport iPhones, the wages paid to workers at various stages of the supply chain, and a surplus created by those workers. That surplus is in turn used for various purposes: taxes to governments, salaries of executives, dividends to shareholders, and, perhaps most important, an extensive advertising campaign to make sure millions of people continue to want to purchase more iPhones. And the less workers are paid on the bottom and at each stage of the supply chain, and the more “flexible” are their work rules, the more surplus Apple is able to appropriate and the higher price at which they can sell their smart phones.

Clearly, a labor theory of value is more compatible with Maxwell and Miller’s solidarity-based consumerism. It makes people aware of the work and value-creation that are taking place at each stage of the supply chain—from the initial research and development through the production of the phones to their transportation to wherever they are sold—and the amount of surplus Apple is able to capture for its own purposes.

In the end, those are the high costs that serve as the basis of the high price of our iPhones.