Posts Tagged ‘taxes’

corp taxes

One of the rationales for the great Republican tax heist of 2017 is that American corporations desperately need tax relief.

However, as is clear from the chart above, the current corporate tax rate is already very low—not absolutely (since it was in fact lower in 2009, when corporate profits fell during the Great Recession), but certainly in comparison to the rest of the postwar period.*

Today, the effective corporate tax rate in the United States is only 20.4 percent, lower almost by half than the much-ballyhooed statutory rate of 38.91 rate and less than half of what it was in the mid-1980s.

One can only imagine, then, how low the effective rate will be if and when the statutory rate is reduced according to the tax bills passed through the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate. They both cut it to 20 percent, on a permanent basis—which is the biggest one-time drop in the business tax rate ever.

 

*The effective corporate tax rate is defined here as the percentage difference between corporate profits before and after tax (both calculated without IVA and CCAdj adjustments), according to statistics from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.

distribution

Liberals have a problem: the kinds of redistribution they advocate and support just don’t do a lot to fundamentally alter the profoundly unequal distribution of income in the United States.

Consider the chart above, which illustrates the cash-income effects of the U.S. tax system (with dark colors marking the pre-tax distribution of income and the lighter colors the post-tax distribution). The results are quite meager: in 2014, the share of the top 1 percent (blue lines, measured on the right) was only lowered from 20.2 percent to 17 percent, while the share of the bottom 90 percent (plum lines, measured on the left) rose from 53 percent to just 59.2 percent.

So, even after all the tax-based redistributions are completed, the top 1 percent still ends up with a larger and larger share of income—and the share left over for the bottom 90 percent continues to fall.

All of that political fighting over tax rates and government programs to ameliorate the unequalizing effects of American capitalism and that’s all we end up with.

It should come as no surprise then that Isabel Sawhill [ht: ja] concludes that changing the tax structure, even radically, won’t really change much.

Sawhill’s analysis of both the political hurdles and the limited benefits of progressives’ favorite tax-and-spend schemes is certainly accurate. Existing economic institutions produce such an obscenely unequal distribution of income in the United States that it’s difficult to envision any political feasible changes in the tax structure that will bring down inequality into a region that progressives would consider fair and just.

So, what’s the alternative? Sawhill favors “stakeholder capitalism” (or what others have called “shared capitalism”):

It means paying attention not just to shareholders but also to workers, customers, and the community. It has proven to be a successful strategy for many companies. They have showcased what can be accomplished when the private sector takes greater responsibility for helping workers—whether in the form of profit sharing, training, or providing benefits such as paid leave and flexible hours. The fact is that without such an approach, it will be difficult to achieve broadly based economic growth. It would simply require too much redistribution after the fact. We need instead to test the limits of equalizing the distribution of market incomes before taxes and benefits enter the picture.

And perhaps Sawhill and other American liberals can convince employers to become “high-road,” stakeholder employers instead of taking the “low-road” of the shareholder economy.

Perhaps. But why does Sawhill limit the discussion to the choices existing employers might or might not want to make? Why not open up the discussion to consider other ways of organizing enterprises?*

I’m thinking, for example, of worker cooperatives and other kinds of enterprises owned by workers and the communities in which they live. If we think the existing distribution of income is fundamentally unjust and redistributive efforts are generally limited and ineffective—both of which are arguments that Sawhill herself makes—then why not focus on ways of actually improving the initial distribution without requiring the assent of existing employers?

The advantage of worker- and community-owned enterprises is they include the stakeholders from the very start. The stakeholders are the ones who decide how the firms will be organized, what the workers will be paid, how the surplus funds will be allocated, and so on. And from all the existing examples we have, from Cleveland’s Evergreen to Spain’s Mondragón, the initial distribution of income would be much more equal than anything we’ve seen, not only in the past few decades, but over the entire modern history of the United States.

Then, on top of that, people might want to have a tax-based redistributive scheme—for example, to correct for differences in enterprise success, regional discrepancies, and so on. But such redistribution would be much easier and more effective than anything Sawhill and others envision for the United States today. It just wouldn’t have an enormous mountain of inequality to dismantle.

So, while I agree with Sawhill that “our failure to achieve anything close to broadly based economic growth in the United States is very troubling,” I want to expand the discussion and see a much bigger role for alternatives to capitalism in distributing the rewards to workers and the members of the communities in which they live.

That one change, in the direction of more worker- and community-owned enterprises, can serve as the basis of an economy that would produce an array of incomes that brings us much closer to an initial distribution that many progressives consider fair and just.

 

*As Penn Loh explains,

Too often “the economy” is equated with markets where corporations compete to make profits for the wealthiest 1 percent and the rest work for a wage or salary (or don’t make money at all). . .

When everything that we label “economic” is assumed to be capitalist — transactional and market-driven — then it is no wonder that we run short on imagination.

To escape this “capitalocentrism,” we need to broaden the definition of economy beyond capitalism.

profits abroad

Thanks to the release of the so-called Paradise Papers, and the additional research conducted by Gabriel Zucman, Thomas Tørsløv, and Ludvig Wier, we know that a large share of the surplus captured by corporations is artificially shifted to tax havens all over the world. This, of course, is on top of the conspicuous tax evasion practiced by the individual holders of a large portion of the world’s wealth.

Thus, for example, U.S. multinational corporations now claim to generate 63 percent of all their foreign profits in six tax havens, the most prominent being the Netherlands, Bermuda and the Caribbean, and Ireland. This is 20 points more than in 2006.*

What this means is that, in the tax havens themselves, low tax rates can generate large tax revenues relative to the size of the economies. But it also means large multinational corporations can play off one tax have against others, and shift their profits to those with the most generous laws and regulations—as Apple has recently done, by relocating tens of billions of dollars from Ireland to the small island of Jersey (which typically does not tax corporate income and is largely exempt from European Union tax regulations).

tax loss

It also means that the putative home countries of the multinational corporations lose potential tax revenues, which means a larger tax burden is imposed on others, especially individuals and small businesses.

In the case of the United States, Zucman and his colleagues estimate that the United States loses almost 60 billion euros to tax havens (about three quarters from European Union tax havens and the rest from tax havens elsewhere), which amounts to about 25 percent of the corporate tax revenue it currently collects.

As Zucman explains,

Tax havens are a key driver of global inequality, because the main beneficiaries are the shareholders of the companies that use them to dodge taxes.

Clearly, the existing rules are such that large multinational corporations win twice: first, by capturing more and more surplus from their workers, whose wages have barely budged in recent decades; and second, by using tax havens to avoid paying taxes on a large portion of that surplus, thus shifting the tax burden onto workers at home.

 

*I created the charts in this post based on data that have been made publicly available by Zucman, Tørsløv, and Wier.

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Inequality

The latest IMF Fiscal Monitor, “Tackling Inequality,” is out and it represents a direct challenge to the United States.

It’s not just a rebuke to Donald Trump, who with his allies is pursuing under the guise of “tax reform” a set of policies that will lead to even greater inequality—or, for that matter, Republicans in state governments across the country that have sought to cut back on programs targeted at poor Americans. It also takes to task decades of growing inequality in the United States, under both Democratic and Republican administrations.

As is clear from the chart above, the distribution of both income and wealth in the United States has become increasingly unequal since the mid-1970s. The share of income captured by the top 1 percent has more than doubled (from 10 to 20 percent), while it’s share of total wealth has increased dramatically (from 23 percent to 39 percent). Meanwhile, the share of income of the bottom 50 percent has declined precipitously (from 20 percent to 12.5 percent) and it’s share of wealth, which was never very high (at 0.9 percent), is now nonexistent (at negative 0.1 percent).

And what is the United States doing about it? Absolutely nothing. Over the course of the past four decades it’s done very little to tackle the problem of growing inequality—and what it has done has been spectacularly ineffective. Thus, inequality has grown to obscene levels.

What’s interesting about the IMF report is that it raises—and then challenges—every important argument made by mainstream economists and members of the economic and political elite.

Should we worry just about income inequality? Well, no, since “changes in income inequality are reflected in other inequality dimensions, such as wealth inequality.”

redistribution

Doesn’t the United States take care of the problem by redistribution? Absolutely not, since only Israel does less than the United States in terms of lowering inequality (as measured by the Gini coefficient) through taxes and transfers.

But doesn’t tackling inequality through progressive income taxes lower economic growth? Again, no: “There is not strong empirical evidence showing that progressivity has been harmful for growth.”

taxes

Nor is there any justification for low tax rates on those at the top in terms of social preferences. Most Americans, according to a recent Gallup survey, most believe that the rich and corporations don’t pay their fair share of taxes. In fact, the IMF notes, perhaps thinking about the United States, “societal preferences may not be reflected in actual policy implementation because of the concentration of political power in certain affluent groups.”

Clearly, much more can be done to lower the degree of inequality in the United States.

As a sign of the times, the IMF even chooses to discuss the role a Universal Basic Income might play in decreasing inequality.

Proponents argue that a UBI can be used as a redistributive tool to help address poverty and inequality better than means-­tested programs, which su er from information constraints, high administrative costs, and other obsta­cles that limit benefit take-­up. A UBI could also help address increased income uncertainty resulting from the impact of technology (particularly automation) on jobs.

UBI

According to its calculations, a Universal Basic Income in the United States (calibrated at 25 percent of median per capita income, in addition to existing programs) would cost only 6.5 percent of national income and achieve a remarkable reduction in both inequality (by more than 5 Gini points) and poverty (by more than 10 percentage points).

What puts the United States in stark relief is the contrast between the whole panoply of inequality-reducing policies that are available—from more progressive income taxes and the adoption of wealth taxes to reducing gaps in education and health programs—and the fact that the United States is moving in the opposite direction.

The United States is simply not tackling the problem, with the inevitable result: current levels of economic inequality are—by any measure, and especially in comparison to what could be but isn’t being done—grotesque.

WSJ OPINION: THE COST OF DISASTER

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