Posts Tagged ‘Iraq’

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Today marks the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.’s speech, “Beyond Vietnam: A Time To Break Silence.”

Here is a link to the text [ht: ja] of the speech. Here are his first three reasons for King’s breaking the silence on Vietnam:

Since I am a preacher by calling, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I and others have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor, both black and white, through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything on a society gone mad on war. And I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic, destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

Perhaps a more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. So we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettos of the North over the last three years, especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they asked, and rightly so, “What about Vietnam?” They asked if our own nation wasn’t using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today: my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.

And here’s King’s analysis of the relationship between Vietnam and the United States:

After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed and Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all of this was presided over by United States influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem’s methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

The only change came from America as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

It is time that we, too, break our silence on U.S. wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and around the world.

Karl Rove

Wall Street Journal columnist Daniel Henninger tries to be witty by referring to the “Trumpen proletariat” and citing Marx’s colorful characterization of the lumpenproletariat in 1850s Paris:

Alongside decayed roués with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, maquereaux, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars—in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohème.

He then proceeds to invoke the usual Republican shibboleth of the “culture wars” instead of reading on in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte:

This Bonaparte, who constitutes himself chief of the lumpenproletariat, who here alone rediscovers in mass form the interests which he personally pursues, who recognizes in this scum, offal, refuse of all classes the only class upon which he can base himself unconditionally, is the real Bonaparte, the Bonaparte sans phrase. An old, crafty roué, he conceives the historical life of the nations and their performances of state as comedy in the most vulgar sense, as a masquerade in which the grand costumes, words, and postures merely serve to mask the pettiest knavery.

The fact is, Henninger’s party has chosen Trump as George Bush’s successor. And the tragedy that was Bush has now been publicly confirmed—first, in the biography by Jean Edward Smith (“Rarely in the history of the United States has the nation been so ill-served as during the presidency of George W. Bush.”), and then in the Chilcot report (which is even more an indictment of Bush’s war crimes than it is of Tony Blair’s misleading his country into war).

But perhaps the farce today is not just Trump but the choice between him and Hillary Clinton—the former threatening anarchy as the representative of the the party of order, the latter order having saved the party from presumed anarchy (which is how they saw the possibility of democratic socialism). Both will pretend to campaign on behalf of the disenfranchised but that’s only an attempt “to make the lower classes happy within the framework of bourgeois society,” not to actually change the circumstances that leave the lower classes further and further behind the tiny group at the top.

That group of wealthy individuals and large corporations don’t know what to do with Trump, because it seems they can’t control him—but they certainly can live with Clinton, who takes their money and is willing to do their bidding even as her machine calculates the demographics and counts the votes coming from the other classes.

The 2016 presidential campaign will be a grand spectacle but now, even before the conventions, we know who will win. And the rest, including the nation’s growing lumpenproletariat, will be the losers.

16-6-6 The Market Rules

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July 6, 2016

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We all remember former Vice President Dick Cheney’s response to the 2012 Senate report on harsh interrogation techniques (a summary version of which was declassified in 2014): “The report is full of crap.”

But what we now know, thanks to the research of John Prados and Arturo Jimenez-Bacardi [ht: ra], is that Cheney, then-deputy assistant to President Gerald Ford, edited the report of the Rockefeller Commission on CIA domestic activities from inside the Ford White House, stripping the report of its independent character.

The Gerald Ford White House significantly altered the final report of the supposedly independent 1975 Rockefeller Commission investigating CIA domestic activities, over the objections of senior Commission staff, according to internal White House and Commission documents posted today by the National Security Archive at The George Washington University (www.nsarchive.org). The changes included removal of an entire 86-page section on CIA assassination plots and numerous edits to the report by then-deputy White House Chief of Staff Richard Cheney.

Today’s posting includes the entire suppressed section on assassination attempts, Cheney’s handwritten marginal notes, staff memos warning of the fallout of deleting the controversial section, and White House strategies for presenting the edited report to the public. The documents show that the leadership of the presidentially-appointed commission deliberately curtailed the investigation and ceded its independence to White House political operatives.

And, just to bring things up to the present, it was Bernie Sanders who, in October 1974, called the CIA “a dangerous institution that has got to go” and then, in October 2002, spoke in opposition to the Iraq War.